The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as arguably the most significant holders of that office in US history. Although many second-in-commands had to settle for minor or symbolic positions, Cheney held enormous power during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "actual president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the connection was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, always referring to him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the easygoing president malleable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
The Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating planes approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the strikes changed him, making him become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the waterboarding of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading reports repeated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It represented the proper decision to do then. I had faith then and I hold that view presently."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, at the very least," he wrote later "clear negligence, inaction, and irresponsibility: at worst, deception, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had written a memorandum detailing scenarios in which US concerns might be compromised (including "availability of essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be positioned to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," specifically mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the White House vaguely intent on executing what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been sacked by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of lowering America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his parent's visage that all visitors had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was among the most vehement advocating invading Iraq, frequently quoting information documents that were both weak or completely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush White House indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that found that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the report as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed nicknames assigned to him by critics such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that remains unseen leave his hole? This represents a effective way to function, actually."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his commercial relationships accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US deals worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his period at the company increased from his $258,394 during his time as military head to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling more than $20m|twenty
